For months, even years, the general amnesty project has been bogged down in tedious negotiations. It was believed that the arrival of President Ahmad el-Chareh in power in Syria and his insistence on handing over Syrian detainees in Lebanese prisons to Syrian authorities would give a serious boost to this file, especially since Islamist Lebanese and Syrian detainees make up the largest group of prisoners eligible for this law.
However, as soon as the subject is broached, conflicts resurface. If, as is often the case in Lebanon, discussions and issues quickly take on a sectarian tone, in this specific case, another issue arises which concerns the army. It is because of concerns within the military ranks that the Minister of Defense was forced to withdraw from the meeting of parliamentary committees tasked with studying this issue.
It is “the day after” the release of prisoners that worries the army. This issue mainly concerns Islamist detainees and their behavior once released. Military sources believe that the credibility of the army is at stake, especially when it is asked to carry out a delicate and essential mission for the country’s future, that of monopolizing weapons and enforcing state authority throughout the territory.
In such circumstances, if detainees accused of killing soldiers, or engaging in hostilities with the army, are released under the amnesty law, some parties may rush to turn them into heroes among their fellow believers. This would only undermine the credibility of the army and its motivation. In the current situation, with tensions running high between different communities, particularly in the boiling state of the Sunni community, the release of certain prominent figures could be seen as a major victory for them. This could trigger communal reactions and mobilize crowds around destructive slogans for the army and state institutions. How to avoid such behavior, especially in such delicate times and as supporters of these detainees are already preparing for ‘festivities’ to celebrate their release?
Certainly, this is not the first time an amnesty law has been adopted in Lebanon. There was one in 2005, which allowed the release of Samir Geagea, the leader of the Lebanese Forces. However, back then, the situation was different. There was a local agreement with regional (particularly Saudi) and international coverage to adopt the amnesty law. During his years of detention and after his release, the leader of the Lebanese Forces continued to be one of the most important Christian figures, and his conflict was not directly with the army. This is not the case today for some Islamist figures who could be included in the amnesty bill. These individuals were directly involved in the deaths of soldiers and were close to Islamist groups that had fought the army in the Anti-Lebanon heights in 2016 and 2017. This is why it would be very sensitive to proceed with their release at this time.
Among these figures, there is Sheikh Ahmad el-Assir, who has many supporters in the region of Saada, as well as other Islamist figures in Tripoli. Freeing them would set a precedent that would be poorly received by soldiers and would discourage them. However, at the same time, if exceptions are made, it would only fuel the appetites of different political parties and would ultimately render the amnesty law meaningless. This is somewhat what is happening today. Deputies are faced with this confusion, and each group is now seeking to impose their conditions, when initially the goal was to correct the injustice done to many detainees, held in prison for various reasons, often without due process.
The President of the Chamber has promised that the law would be adopted before the Eid al-Adha holiday, and it is now up to him to find a compromise that is fair while also safeguarding the state and its institutions.
