Last week in Morocco, King Mohammed VI appointed the crown prince as “coordinator of the general staff headquarters.” This highly symbolic decision comes amid the ongoing decline in the king’s health. At the same time, social divisions continue to deepen, reflecting a country torn between its international image and the reality imposed on its population, especially the youth. In this context, can the Moroccan monarchy still generate political and social consensus, or is it facing a deep crisis that reveals a questioning of the monarchical model itself?
We are joined by Omar Brouksy, an independent journalist and Moroccan academic, author of “Morocco, End of Reign,” published by Nouveau Monde Editions.
A monarchy preparing for the future without discussing succession
Omar Brouksy first explains that the appointment of the crown prince as coordinator of the staff services “is not a surprise”: Mohammed VI himself held this position under Hassan II. According to him, this role marks “another step towards integrating the crown prince into the military machinery to be at the heart of the armed forces, which is one of the pillars of the monarchy.” Even though “the head of the army remains the king,” this decision comes at a time when “the king’s state of health, security rivalries, and the projection of the crown prince create an atmosphere of the end of a reign.” However, Brouksy refuses to speak of a transition: “the king remains the alpha and omega of power in Morocco.”
Brouksy emphasizes that in Morocco, “no strategic political decision is made without the king being informed and approving it.” Power is not truly institutionalized, so it is “embodied by the person of the king, I would even say the body of the king.” Hence, the importance of historical and religious narratives mobilized by the monarchy, presenting itself as “the direct descendant of the prophet” or as the heir of the “liberator” Mohammed V. The academic particularly dismantles “the fiction” that Mohammed V protected Moroccan Jews under Vichy, recalling that anti-Jewish decrees were indeed signed.
The Western Sahara and social divides, between diplomatic successes and internal tensions
Omar Brouksy then points out that the Western Sahara constitutes one of the “three red lines” of the kingdom along with the monarchy and Islam. For him, the monarchy “is even staking its existence on this conflict.” He highlights that this issue goes beyond the confrontation with Algeria, also acknowledging Rabat’s diplomatic advances: “two major powers on the Security Council recognize the Moroccanness of the Sahara.” Despite persistent regional tensions, he believes that “the diplomatic victory today leans more towards the Moroccan side.”
Brouksy describes Morocco as constantly exposed to the “unexpected,” citing youth protests. According to him, “the real problem in Morocco is a problem of social inequalities […] that has become structural.” He attributes this situation to an old economic policy favoring “economic champions” and certain regions like Casablanca, Rabat, or Tangier, “at the expense of what is called the other Morocco.” The lack of investment in “public education and youth training” has fueled unemployment and marginalization. Even though “the king is trying to draw attention” to these difficulties, Brouksy believes it is now “very difficult to question a policy that has been pursued for several decades.”
